Turkish drones: What explains Erdogan’s hand behind Pakistan’s aggression?

Days after the terror attack at Pahalgam when India and Pakistan were locked in a deepening crisis as India had pledged to punish the perpetrators and their backers in Pakistan, reports appeared claiming that several Turkish C-130E Hercules transport aircraft had landed in Pakistan carrying weapons, prompting speculation that the move signalled a last-minute arms delivery from one of Islamabad’s closest allies, ostensibly in preparation for a response to a possible surgical strike by India.But the Turkish government refuted the claim. “A cargo plane from Turkiye landed in Pakistan for refuelling. It then continued on its route. Speculative news made outside of statements of authorised persons and institutions should not be relied upon,” said a government statement. Pakistan was isolated in the wake of the Pahalgam attack, even its close Arab allies refraining from siding with it. China, its closest ally, too was circumspect. It was assumed that Turkey too would not dare back Pakistan against India.
However, it appears Turkey is actively helping Pakistan in combat against India. The Indian government on Friday said that on the night of May 7 and 8, the Pakistani army fired Turkey’s SONGAR drones at 36 locations in India. Also, a Turkish naval warship, TCG BÜYÜKADA, arrived at Karachi port last Sunday, just days after a Turkish Air Force C-130 aircraft landed in the city. Turkish authorities described the visit as a usual port visit after a similar visit to Oman, but the timing was suspicious.
Though Turkey and Pakistan have a history of military collaboration and Turkey has also been selling weapons to Pakistan, supply of weapons and a warship visit during conflict with India point at Turkey’s active support to Pakistan against India.

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Why does Erdogan back Pakistan against India?

Under President Recep Tayyip Erdogan, who has been a dominant figure in Turkish politics since 2003 (first as Prime Minister, then President from 2014), India–Turkey relations have experienced periodic tensions punctuated by attempts at engagement. Turkey was among the first countries to recognize India after its independence in 1947, and diplomatic ties were established in 1948. Relations remained largely neutral through the Cold War period, as India aligned with the Non-Aligned Movement and Turkey stood firmly in the Western bloc as a NATO member. The relationship gained momentum in the post-Cold War period, particularly through economic and cultural exchanges.However, with Erdogan’s ascent to power and his increasing emphasis on a neo-Ottoman foreign policy model — one that seeks to expand Turkish influence across the Muslim world — Turkey’s approach towards India began reflecting ideological and geopolitical recalibrations, especially on issues concerning Pakistan and Kashmir. Erdogan’s “Asia Anew” initiative, announced in 2019 and aimed at deepening economic, diplomatic, and cultural ties with Asian countries, is actually a part of Erdogan’s broader ideological project: recasting Turkey as the spiritual and political leader of the global Muslim ummah.A defining sore point in India–Turkey relations under Erdogan has been Turkey’s consistent support for Pakistan’s position on Kashmir. Erdogan has repeatedly raised the Kashmir issue at international platforms, notably at the UN General Assembly, including during and after the abrogation of Article 370 in August 2019. Turkey’s growing defense partnership with Pakistan — including drone technology transfer and naval cooperation — directly concerns India. Turkish defense firms have become more active in South Asia, while India remains cautious about Turkish military ambitions in the region.

On the other hand, Turkey’s growing ties with China, especially under the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), contrast with India’s opposition to the BRI due to sovereignty concerns related to the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC).

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How Turkey is arming Pakistan

Under Erdogan’s pan-Islamist foreign policy vision, Turkey-Pakistan ties have transformed into structured military cooperation, encompassing defense production, training, joint operations, and strategic alignment.

Turkey and Pakistan increasingly see themselves as part of a broader Islamic geopolitical bloc, often positioning themselves in contrast to traditional Middle Eastern power centers like Saudi Arabia and the UAE, or regional rivals such as India and Greece. Erdogan’s ambition to lead the Muslim ummah aligns well with Pakistan’s long-standing desire for leadership in the Islamic world.

One of the most visible areas of growth has been in defense industrial collaboration, with Turkey emerging as a key defense supplier for Pakistan. In 2018, Pakistan signed a major deal with Turkish state-owned defense contractor ASFAT for four MILGEM-class stealth corvettes, part of Turkey’s flagship indigenous naval program. The deal was valued at around $1.5 billion and includes technology transfer, with two corvettes being built in Pakistan’s Karachi Shipyard.

Pakistan ordered 30 Turkish T129 ATAK helicopters in 2018 for approximately $1.5 billion, to upgrade its attack helicopter fleet. The deal has been stalled due to US export licence issues, as the engines used are American-made. However, both Turkey and Pakistan continue to explore workarounds, including engine replacement or indigenous development.

Turkey has provided Super Mushshak trainer aircraft support and has expressed willingness to collaborate on drone technology — an area where Turkey has gained significant global recognition with platforms like the Bayraktar TB2.

What is India doing to counter Turkish moves?

The deepening Turkey–Pakistan defense partnership is being closely watched by India, especially given Erdogan’s vocal support for Kashmir and military cooperation with Pakistan. India has also pursued strategic countermeasures to offset Turkish pressure and build leverage in the Eastern Mediterranean and South Caucasus — regions of geopolitical interest to Turkey.

India has significantly deepened diplomatic ties with Greece, a historic rival of Turkey. In 2021, India and Greece held their first-ever joint naval exercises in the Mediterranean Sea. High-level visits between the two nations have intensified, and India has reaffirmed its support for Cyprus’s territorial integrity, directly countering Turkey’s support for the breakaway Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus. These moves are widely seen as deliberate signaling to Turkey: that interference in Kashmir could invite reciprocal activism in Turkey’s own areas of sensitivity.

In another striking move, India has entered into defense cooperation with Armenia, a country in conflict with Azerbaijan, Turkey’s close ally. In 2022 and 2023, India signed multiple arms deals with Armenia, supplying Pinaka rocket systems, anti-tank missiles, and surveillance radars — implicitly balancing Turkish and Azeri military assertiveness in the South Caucasus. These deals are not just commercial; they represent a geostrategic alignment against a Turkish-backed axis.

India has also developed strategic relations with Israel, UAE, and France — countries that also see Turkey’s regional activism with suspicion.